Sunday, November 17, 2024

Opt-out defaults do not increase organ donation rates, in Public Health

 No one said market design was going to be easy...(well, some people did, but it turns out it isn't.)

Dallacker, M., L. Appelius, A. M. Brandmaier, A. S. Morais, and R. Hertwig. "Opt-out defaults do not increase organ donation rates." Public Health 236 (2024): 436-440. 

"Objectives: To increase organ donation rates, many countries have switched from an opt-in (‘explicit consent’) default for organ donation to an opt-out (‘presumed consent’) default. This study sought to determine the extent to which this change in default has led to an increase in the number of deceased individuals who become organ donors.
 

"Study design: Longitudinal retrospective analysis.
 

"Methods: We conducted a retrospective analysis of within-country longitudinal data to assess the effect of changing the organ donation default policy from opt-in to opt-out. Our analysis focused on the longitudinal deceased donor rates in five countries (Argentina, Chile, Sweden, Uruguay, Wales) that had adopted this change. Using a Bayesian aggregated binomial regression model, we estimated the odds of organ donation within each country over time, as well as the effect of the policy switch.
 

"Results: Switching from an opt-in to an opt-out default did not result in an increase in donation rates when averaged across countries. Moreover, the opt-out default did not lead to even a gradual increase in donations: there was no discernible difference in the linear rate of change of donations after the change in default. Finally, the COVID-19 pandemic was associated with a reduction in the odds of donation across all five countries.
 

Conclusions: Our longitudinal analysis suggests that changing to an opt-out default does not increase organ donation rates. Unless flanked by investments in healthcare, public awareness campaigns, and efforts to address the concerns of the deceased's relatives, a shift to an opt-out default is unlikely to increase organ donations."

 


...

"Family objections, often a significant barrier to deceased organ donation, should also be addressed. In many countries—including Chile, Sweden, and Wales—the consent of next of kin is necessary for organ donation. The veto power given to families has also been cited as a reason why the opt-out default does not significantly improve donation rates over the opt-in system.27,28 Considering expressed preferences, whether of the deceased or their relatives, overrides the default. Ultimately, the implications for transplantation outcomes between opt-in and opt-out defaults only differ in the rare cases when no explicit statements of preference were made by either the deceased or their relatives. A previous cross-country scenario analysis has shown that, when family preferences are honoured, shifting from an opt-in to an opt-out default alone would only increase organ recovery by 0%–5%.29 

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 HT: Frank McCormick


Related:

Monday, July 22, 2024 Don't take "No" for an answer in deceased organ donor registration (a paper forthcoming after ten+ years)

Saturday, November 16, 2024

Income inequality, risk, and repugnance by Hauge, Kverndokk, and Lange

Two recent papers by  Karen HaugeSnorre Kverndokk, and Andreas Lange report on the roles played by inequality and risk in causing repugnance to markets.

First, an experiment, motivated by a hypothetical market in kidneys (expressed in abstract terms), that finds that income inequality boosts repugnance to trade.

Hauge, Karen E., Snorre Kverndokk, and Andreas Lange. "Opposition to markets: Experimental evidence." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 227 (2024): 106743.

Abstract: We experimentally investigate reasons for opposing market institutions. The experiment shows that opposition to implementing market institutions varies by background characteristics and shows that distributional concerns are a reason for opposing trade institutions. We find no evidence that the opposition to trade is due to risk preferences or paternalistic motives. A main driver of the opposition to trade is the information about background conditions: veils of uncertainty increase the support for the trade institution.

"This paper reports experimental evidence to better understand potential opposition to market institutions, i.e. for allowing people to trade. For this, we abstract from repugnancy concerns that relate to the specific characteristics of the good or service in question, and rather reduces the setting to the payoff dimension and thus the involved risks and distributional concerns. While we use a neutral framing, organ trade, in particular, trade in kidneys, inspires the set-up of the experiment. Trading kidneys for payment is illegal worldwide, apart from in Iran.1 While it is obvious that persons with kidney issues would substantially benefit from a transplant, healthy donors expose themselves to risk (e.g., Lentine and Patel 2012). Currently, there is not a large income gap between donors and recipients in the US (Gill et al., 2012). Nevertheless, studies suggest that - at a given price - the poor would have larger incentives to donate and therefore, are more exposed to potential risks (Moniruzzaman, 2012; Parada-Contzen and Vásquez-Lavín, 2019) and thus potentially more vulnerable in terms of Satz (2010).2 To illustrate this in the experiment, we vary both the initial income of players (rich/poor) as well as their condition (healthy/sick) which combined affect their potential prospects with and without trade. 

...

"In our experiment, a share of 20 % of respondents across all treatments oppose the trade institution although it is constructed such that personal expected payoff is unaffected or improved. We find that the major reasons individuals vote against trade are the unfair distributions of gains from trade. Importantly, the opposition towards trade is partly self-serving: opposition is lower among those that benefit the most from implementing a market institution. Specifically, we find a significantly smaller opposition to trade institutions when participants are behind the veil of ignorance and do not know their income level, their (abstractly defined) health condition, and thus, how trade affects their payoff. Similarly, we find that distributing gains from trade more evenly, thus benefiting the poor to a larger extent, reduces opposition to trade among the poor."

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And here's a related survey study:

Hauge, Karen Evelyn, Snorre Kverndokk, and Andreas Lange. "On the opposition to market institutions on moral grounds." Humanities and Social Sciences Communications 11, no. 1 (2024): 1-8.

Abstract

"From a liberal viewpoint, voluntary trade appears to be something that should meet universal approval. If no one is obliged to trade, establishing a market institution could only make all better off. Nonetheless, specific market institutions meet substantial skepticism and criticism. This paper extends the extant literature by surveying the moral opposition towards trade in multiple dimensions and linking this to policy support measures. We provide survey results on moral opposition to trade in organs, sex services, surrogate mothers, trade in carbon permits, goods produced in poor countries, and food from countries where people suffer from hunger. These cover the potential reasons for opposing trade institutions: moral concerns, paternalism regarding risk-taking, and distributional concerns. Beyond this, we measure support for policies on unemployment benefits, risk prevention, equality goals within society, and redistribution. The survey of Amazon Mechanical Turk workers from the U.S. reveals significant moral opposition to trade in diverse dimensions. About a third of the participants strongly oppose trade in body items, sex services, and food imports from countries where a large proportion of the population suffers from hunger and malnutrition. Fewer participants strongly oppose trading CO2 permits, importing from developing countries, or allowing surrogate mothership. Besides other correlates (e.g., gender, education, being conservative), individuals’ attitudes towards imposing risks on others are identified as an important correlate of the opposition to trade for all the contexts of trade: those who are averse to exposing others to risk for their own advantage are more likely to oppose trading institutions. This measure of social preferences also relates to support for policies on risk prevention, equality goals within society, and redistribution. We discuss potential mechanisms behind this explanatory power of the newly identified measure."

Friday, November 15, 2024

Standardized testing returns to college admissions

 Standardized admissions exams are making a comeback:

Elite French university revives entrance exam to combat AI fears. Sciences Po reverses changes intended to make admissions more egalitarian, saying ChatGPT and private tutoring mean essays are no longer ‘objective’  by Maurício Alencar, Wednesday October 23 2024, 12.00pm BST, The Times 

"Sciences Po’s new director, Luis Vassy, said standardised testing would make admissions more “objective”, despite one of his predecessors, Frédéric Mion, dropping the exam in an attempt to make the process more accessible to poorer students who had to pay for travel into Paris to sit the test."

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Here's the story from the Harvard Gazzette (in April):

Harvard announces return to required testing. Leading researchers cite strong evidence that testing expands opportunity

"Students applying to Harvard College for fall 2025 admission will be required to submit standardized test scores, the Faculty of Arts and Sciences announced ... This new policy will be applied to the Class of 2029 admissions cycle and will be formally assessed at regular intervals. 

...

"“Standardized tests are a means for all students, regardless of their background and life experience, to provide information that is predictive of success in college and beyond,” she said. “Indeed, when students have the option of not submitting their test scores, they may choose to withhold information that, when interpreted by the admissions committee in the context of the local norms of their school, could have potentially helped their application. In short, more information, especially such strongly predictive information, is valuable for identifying talent from across the socioeconomic range.”

 

"In research published last year, Harvard Professors Raj Chetty and David J. Deming and co-author John N. Friedman used data from more than 400 institutions and about 3.5 million undergrads per year to better understand socioeconomic diversity and admissions. Standardized tests emerged as an important tool to identify promising students at less-well-resourced high schools, particularly when paired with other academic credentials.

 

Critics correctly note that standardized tests are not an unbiased measure of students’ qualifications, as students from higher-income families often have greater access to test prep and other resources,” said Chetty, the William A. Ackman Professor of Public Economics and director of Opportunity Insights. “But the data reveal that other measures — recommendation letters, extracurriculars, essays — are even more prone to such biases. Considering standardized test scores is likely to make the admissions process at Harvard more meritocratic while increasing socioeconomic diversity."