Black markets in abortion pills

 Americans differ in their opinions about whether American women have a right to end a pregnancy, or whether state legislators have the right to decide the issue for residents of their state.  Six American Supreme Court justices hold the latter opinion, and so overturned the constitutional right defined 50 years ago by the same court in Roe v. Wade.

This means that different states are going to have different laws about abortion. But medical technology is such that abortion pills exist, and can arrive in the mail. So even State laws criminalizing that may not stop it, when abortion and abortion pills remain legal in other states. That is, we're about to see a situation ripe for black markets. We may also see a legal conflict among the states.

The NY Times has a story on that:

Risking Everything to Offer Abortions Across State Lines. Doctors and midwives in blue states are working to get abortion pills into red states — setting the stage for a historic legal clash.  By Emily Bazelon

"When the landscape settles, abortion is likely to be illegal or severely restricted in at least 20 states — where just two years ago, in 2020, about 250,000 people had abortions. It is clear that clinicians in those states will face imminent prosecution if they continue to provide abortions. What is much less clear is what happens if providers in blue states offer telemedicine abortions to women in states where that’s against the law. These clinicians, too, could be arrested or sued or lose their medical licenses. To protect themselves, they may have to give up traveling to certain parts of the country — and it’s still no guarantee.

"In the face of so much uncertainty and an invigorated anti-abortion movement, large organizations and most clinicians are loath to gamble. But Aid Access providers think that the end of Roe calls for doctors to take bold action. Their answer is to mail many more pills to women who otherwise may be forced to carry pregnancies they don’t want.

"The court’s decision overturning Roe last June, Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, polarized the public while opening the door to a new threat — a direct clash among the states over abortion law. In jettisoning the single national standard Roe established, the court invited states to pass or enforce their own laws, which could be diametrically opposed to those of neighboring states."

"Sitting in her office in New York, hundreds of miles from states that could go after her, Prine, at 71, was close to retirement and willing to take chances. “I don’t want younger physicians to be embroiled in lawsuits or criminally charged,” she said. “I’m the one that should happen to. Doctors like me who are at the end of our careers, we should be the ones to step up.”

"Article IV of the Constitution, which addresses the relationships among states, says that if a person charged with a crime in one state flees to another, she must be “delivered up,” or extradited, to the first state. If a doctor from Connecticut, for example, went to Texas, performed an illegal abortion there and then went home, Connecticut would have to send that doctor to Texas for prosecution. But courts have held in the past that if the person never set foot in the state that is prosecuting her, then she didn’t flee, and her state of residence has no constitutional obligation to extradite her. 

...

"But there’s a catch. If a provider travels outside her home state while Texas has a warrant for her arrest, another state without a shield law could follow the customary practice of interstate cooperation — and extradite her to Texas. In addition, if an abortion provider in a pro-access state like Connecticut is sued in Texas rather than prosecuted, Article IV requires the states to help enforce a civil judgment. Connecticut would probably be obligated to comply in collecting damages, for example, if a family member of a woman who had an abortion won a lawsuit for the wrongful death of a fetus. To deter these sorts of suits, Cohen, Donley and Rebouché suggest that states that want to shield their abortion providers could authorize them to countersue for interfering with legally protected health care. “If you’re hoping for a $1 million judgment in Alabama, but you know New York will let someone try to get it back from you, maybe you don’t sue in the first place,” Cohen says.

"The closest historical analogy, however imperfect, for the coming clash may be the conflict between Southern and Northern states over fugitive slave laws in the 19th century. “There are genuinely significant differences between slavery and abortion, morally and legally,” says Jamal Greene, a law professor at Columbia University. “But it’s a reasonable starting point for understanding why it’s a problem, in a nation that wants to hold itself together, when individual states are allowed to make policy about basic rights that people feel extremely strongly about, on both sides.”

"Tensions among the states can become corrosive. The framers of the Constitution gave enslavers the power to recapture enslaved people who escaped to free states. As the cause of abolition gained support, some free states passed personal liberty laws that protected Black people from kidnapping. In 1842, in Prigg v. Pennsylvania, the Supreme Court weighed in on the side of the South, striking down the conviction in Pennsylvania of a slave catcher for kidnapping a mother and her children."